Creativity may be a joke, but it is no accident

The late American artist and televised painting teacher, Bob Ross, was best known for his positive attitude summed up by his classic saying, "we don't make mistakes, we just have happy accidents." Because of this cheery outlook he has been much loved and often parodied in our culture:

If Bob Ross was creative, would he be likely to think aggressive memes like this one were funny? Was Bob Ross creative because he was so positive or because he was a complex person (he was also a Master Sergeant in the United States Air Force, a rescuer of injured squirrels in Muncie, Indiana, the father of three boys from two marriages, a painter of - as he often said - "happy trees").

Chang, Chen, Hsu, Chan, and Chang (2015) were interested in a similar question: does a person's style of humor relate to that person's level of creativity? To answer this, they conducted a large study (1,252 participants) with Chinese 13-year-olds living in Taiwan. The measures that they used were translated into Chinese and were chosen because they worked in cross-cultural settings (meaning that the nationality of the participants should not be an issue that will influence the results).

The teenagers competed a Humor Styles Questionnaire and a cluster analysis of their answers placed them into groups. Similar to past research, four styles emerged:

1) Positive Humor: joking about yourself in a positive way (showing off) or joking about others in a positive way to show that you like them.

2) Negative Humor: joking about yourself in a negative way (putting yourself down) or joking about others in a negative way to be aggressive. For example, implying that nobody will date you!

3) General Humor: joking in both positive and negative ways about yourself and about others. In this case humor can be used to both befriend and to be aggressive at times.

4) Humor Deniers: below average use of any type of humor.

Among other measures, the participants took a modified figure drawing test of creative thinking. Each teenager received a piece of paper with 27 versions of the Chinese character for "Human" printed on it. They were asked to doodle upon each symbol to create drawings that incorporated that shape. The drawings were rated on: Fluency (how many of the 27 versions were drawn upon in ten minutes); Flexibility (the number of categories in the drawings' themes); Originality (how novel the drawings were compared to others); and Elaboration (the number of details in the drawings).

The most robust results strongly supported a theory of creativity: Intrapersonal Variability. In this perspective, "...individuals who hold opposing or conflicting traits...[or have] complex personalities..." are more creative (p. 307). The teenagers whose main humor style was General, or full of contradictions and complexity, scored noticeably higher than the other students on all four ratings of creativity.

On the other hand, one comparison did seem to support an alternate theory: the Positivity Perspective suggests that positive humor is linked to more creative thinking. Only in the ratings of Elaboration did participants with Positive Humor outscore the participants with Negative Humor.

If we accept that Bob Ross was a creative man, the most prominent results of this study support that his complex personality and conflicting life experiences may have increased that creativity. Chang et al. explain that creativity may be enhanced when people are able to accept their inner conflicts (self-integration) or when their complex personalities allow them to be psychologically flexible in their thinking.

At the same time, the Elaboration finding implies that Bob Ross' attention to detail in his paintings may have been, at least in part, related to his positive outlook on life. The Positivity Perspective assumes that using positive humor is associated with being in a positive mood, which is assumed to allow one to be more creative, or in this case, to embellish creative acts.

Although Bob Ross' humor clearly included positivity, his life experiences may have led him to embrace a General Humor style, which in turn may have fostered his creativity. In that case Bob Ross would probably find this week's meme funny, even though its humor is aggressive.

Further Reading:

The Chang et al. (2015) article can be accessed through your local college library.

Watch a talk by Dr. Robert Provine, a psychologist and neuroscientist, on laughter.

Read a press release from the Association for Psychological Science about a research study by Vohs, Redden, and Rahinel (2013) that links a messy work environment to increased creativity. 

BONUS:

Feel the positivity! Feel the creativity! The Public Broadcasting Service (PBS) Digital Studios created a really amazing musical remix of Bob Ross using manipulated clips from his television program.

Revenge of the preteen nerds

Many people get an education because they want good careers that earn good money. Being studious may not make you cool but it should set you up to meet that goal; students who party instead of studying may not be so successful:

This quotation is actually from Bill Gates, even if Actual Advice Mallard seems to be stating it here. Did Bill Gates get it right? Are today's nerdy kids likely to be well-employed and financially stable as adults?

Spengler, Brunner, Damian, Lüdtke, Martin, and Roberts (2015) examined data from a large-scale, longitudinal study done in Luxembourg, a small country in Europe. In 1968 the MAGRIP study collected data on Luxembourgish youngsters around age 12. This included measures of the children's IQs, their parents' levels of wealth and education (SES), ratings from teachers on how studious the children appeared to be, and self-reports about feelings of inferiority, being a responsible student, defying their parents' rules, and talking back to their parents.

In 2008, the second wave of MAGRIP followed up with 745 of these same individuals when they were in their 40s. At that time the participants were asked about their educational attainment (years of education after elementary school), their current or most recent jobs, and their yearly incomes. In their analysis, Spengler et al. wanted to know what traits at age 12 were associated with greater educational attainment, occupational success (as measured by prestige and social class), and higher incomes in middle age.

In line with past research, the participants who had higher IQs and higher SES families when they were 12 attained higher amounts of education by middle age. However, even when those two variables were accounted for, three other attributes predicted educational attainment: feeling that you are not as good as others; studiousness; talking back to parents and not always following the rules. Two of these are not surprising: self-reported feelings inferiority at age 12 were related to lower levels of education by one's 40s; while teachers' higher ratings of studiousness at age 12 predicted higher levels of education by middle age. Interestingly, reporting at age 12 that you talk back to and do not always obey your parents was also related to higher educational attainment in adulthood.

Likewise, more occupational success in middle age was predicted by having a higher IQ and coming from a higher SES family at age 12. Even when those two variables were held steady, seeing yourself as a responsible student at age 12 predicted occupational success in your 40s. Higher teacher ratings of studiousness during childhood also predicted occupational success, however this relationship played out through the amount of education that the participants experienced. Spengler et al. clarified that being seen as studious by your teachers in childhood suggests that you have traits that might lead you to choose more years of and more challenging levels of education. In fact, educational attainment was the best predictor of occupational success.

The analysis revealed an unexpected finding related to personal income. The participants who at age 12 admitted that they talked back to their parents and did not always follow their rules were more likely to have higher incomes during their 40s! This was true even when childhood IQ, family SES, and lifetime educational attainment were taken into account. Spengler et al. caution us that this finding needs to be replicated in future research - so this is not a green light for preteens around the globe to sass back at their parents. They also offer two explanations: these individuals may be more likely to argue to get higher wages; it is also possible that these individuals broke the rules as adults to get this higher income.

I would add that it is also possible that they were raised by good, Authoritative parents. These parents express love to their children and raise them with the correct amount of fair discipline; they are also willing to discuss household rules with their children, conversations which may start off with "talking back." Authoritative parents want their kids to be able to reason about their behavior choices instead of simply showing obedience to authority. So, it would stand to reason that their children may not always follow even their own rules to the letter. Authoritative parenting also prepares children for white collar jobs that require independent decision making and less emphasis on following orders; these jobs may also offer higher levels of pay.

Another possibility that I can imagine is that some of these individuals are Gifted. In general, higher IQs are related to higher incomes and Gifted children have IQs that are at least twice as different as we would expect from an average child. Parents of Gifted children often joke about them being "little lawyers," because they can be argumentative even with adults in authority. So Spengler et al.'s surprising finding may simply reflect a variable that is related to unusually high intelligence.

The authors admit that the predictive powers of pre-teen Luxembourgish children's behavior in 1968 may not generalize: it may be that educational attainment, occupational success, and income level are predicted by different traits today and these traits may vary from culture to culture. On the other hand, the Spengler et al. analysis demonstrated that personal factors like being a responsible student, coming across to teachers as being studious, and how you relate to people in positions of authority can predict achievement beyond their relationships with general intelligence and social class. In that case, being a studious (and perhaps argumentative) nerd may be enough: you don't have to be a genius like Bill Gates or have a wealthy parent like Bill Gates to become an adult with a good job and a good income.

Further Reading:

The Spengler et al. (2015) article can be accessed through your local college library.

Clinical Psychologist Kelly Flanagan blogged for The Huffington Post about why he thinks "...Every Kid Should Talk Back to Their Parents."

Serious students may have a good chance of landing a job found in U.S. News and World Report's list of "The 100 Best Jobs" of 2015.

BONUS: Watch an amusing promotional video titled "Is it true what they say about... Luxembourg?" made by the Luxembourg National Tourism Board. Spoiler Alert: no volcanoes; yes happy dogs.

When I'm 64

As a serious college student I remember feeling old before my time compared to some of my classmates who would blow off studying to socialize. Now as a middle-aged professor I don't "feel" as old as many of my peers (even though my daughter reminds me all of the time that I am "very old"). Apparently my experience is shared by Yoko Ono:

Chronological age, or how many years old you are, is just one way to think about aging. You can also consider: Biological age - how healthy you are; Social age - the habits you have and the roles that you take on; and Psychological age - how well you reason and think.

A recent study highlights how people's perceptions of their Biological and Social ages can influence their Subjective ages - or how old they feel. Stephan, Demulier, and Terracciano (2012) asked more than 1,000 French adults ages 18-91 to rate their physical health, to complete a version of the Big Five personality inventory, and to report their subjective ages.

The results support the idea that how old we feel is based on more than how old we are. These effects varied depending on the ages of the participants. The authors did not state the ranges of the age groups, but we would usually assume that their young adults were ages 18-39, middle-aged adults were 40-59, and older adults were 60-91.

A strong relationship between chronological age, health, and subjective age emerged. Middle aged and older adult participants who rated themselves as being in good health were more likely to say that they felt younger than they actually were. Stephan et al. clarify that on average, these middle aged adults felt 2 years younger and these older adults felt four years younger. These results support the importance of considering a person's Biological age.

When the authors controlled for health and demographic factors a relationship between chronological age, certain Big Five traits, and subjective age appeared. Because our personality traits often relate to our behaviors and activities, these results support the importance of assessing a person's Social age. For example, young adults who were high in Conscientiousness felt older than they really were. Conscientiousness implies being responsible and organized. Motivated and reliable young adults might feel like they are older than their peers because these are not characteristics that Western culture often associates with that age.

Middle aged and older adults who were high in Openness to Experience, and older adults who were high in Extraversion felt younger than they were. Openness to Experience has to do with engaging in diverse interests and being open to new ideas; Extraversion is associated with being out-going and dynamic. Both are traits that Western culture does not associate with middle and older age, so people with these traits are likely to feel younger than they really are as they age.

These results explain the experience that Yoko Ono and I share. When I was a young adult, my conscientious behavior did not match with my stereotype about my age: so I felt older. Now as a middle aged person who has broad interests and loves creativity, my self-perception again runs contrary to the stereotype about my age: so I feel younger. In some decades, I can predict that I will continue to feel younger because I am relatively high in Extraversion.

This research also raises a question about Western stereotypes about age. What does it mean that we view young adults as irresponsible, middle-agers and seniors as stuck in their ways, and senior citizens as being unsociable? If we can imagine a time that these negative assumptions are no longer part of our culture, it would have implications for subjective age. Instead of feeling older or younger than our chronological age we would simply be that old and recognize that at all ages individuals can differ on Big Five traits.

Further Reading:

A pre-publication version of the Stephan et al. (2012) article can be read here thanks to the National Institute of Health. The Psychology and Aging article can be accessed through your local college library.

A blog post from the AARP about research done by Rippon and Steptoe (2015): "Feeling Old vs Being Old." More support for Biological age!

Know an Extraverted senior? The social networking site Meet Up has groups around the world for outgoing older people who want to socialize!

How to make an introvert smile

On social media I have seen a lot of posts about introverts and extraverts (or extroverts): things they want us to know; their everyday struggles; things we can do for them. These traits have been around for a long time and comprise one of the Big Five aspects of personality. In short, introverts get energized by alone time whereas extraverts are energized by time with others. This difference is demonstrated by our meme featuring Introvert Cat:

This meme implies that introverts would prefer to eat alone rather than go out to eat with people they like. It also implies that introverts enjoy solitude more than socializing. However, past research suggests that both introverts and extraverts get more enjoyment from socializing than they do from being alone. If everyone has more fun acting extraverted, why might Introvert Cat shy away from such an opportunity?

One suggestion is highlighted in research done by Zelenski, Whelan, Nealis, Besner, Santoro, and Wynn (2013). In a preliminary study they asked introverts and extraverts to imagine themselves in different scenarios: some scenarios would require them to act introverted whereas the other scenarios would require them to act extraverted. For each scenario 97 undergraduate participants, who had been classified as introverted or as extraverted, rated themselves on a list of positive and negative adjectives based on how they thought they would feel: this was a measure of their affective forecasting. The results demonstrated that when introverts imagined themselves acting extraverted, they were more likely than extraverts to predict negative emotions and feeling self-conscious, and less likely than extraverts to predict positive emotions and enjoyment. However, these results cannot tell us what either group's emotional experiences would be in a real-world situation that calls for them to act one way or the other.

To get closer to that answer, Zelenski et al. conducted four follow-up experiments from which the results were combined. Thus 495 undergraduate students, who had been classified as introverted or extraverted, were randomly assigned to act either introverted or extraverted while interacting with others in a laboratory setting. In each experiment the participants were given instructions on how they should act, then asked to imagine how they will feel once the interaction begins - again, they rated themselves on adjectives to measure their affective forecasting. Next, they interacted with others in one of four ways: taking part in a group discussion with other participants; being interviewed by a confederate; planning a day's activities or building with blocks while partnered with a confederate; putting together a timed puzzle with other participants. At the end of each experiment, the participants rated how they had actually felt during the activity.

The measures of affective forecasting demonstrated that introverts were especially likely to have low predictions of positive emotions when preparing to act extraverted. In addition, introverts were especially likely to have high predictions of negative emotions and self-consciousness when preparing to act extraverted. However, there was little difference between introverts and extraverts on their predictions of how "pleasant" the experience of acting extraverted would be.

Measures of the participants' ratings of their actual experiences demonstrate that all participants who had been assigned to act extraverted experienced more positive emotion and less negative emotion than the participants who had been assigned to act introverted. Additionally, the level of positive emotions was higher and the level of negative emotion was lower than they had predicted beforehand. As well, all participants overestimated how self-conscious they would feel; this was especially true for the participants who were preparing to act extraverted. So we see that both introverts and extroverts had a more positive experience than they thought they would have and that this effect was most pronounced when their behavior was extraverted.

Zelenski et al. compared participants' predictions with their reports of the experience to estimate how accurate introverts and extraverts are in predicting their emotional experiences. They found that introverts were comparatively less accurate: introverts were more likely to overestimate negative emotional reactions and that this was especially true when introverts were planning on acting extraverted. Likewise, introverts were more likely than extraverts to inaccurately over-estimate their degree of self-consciousness when asked to act in an extraverted way.

These findings may have some limitations, as one's experience in a laboratory may be different than in real life. For example, in real life you are not instructed to act introverted or extraverted, although one could argue that acting extraverted may be rewarded in American culture. Another limitation that was not addressed by the authors is that 70% of the participant were women. Past research suggests that women are less likely than men to be introverted, so it is not clear if the introverted and extraverted participants were equally represented by male and female students. If they were, one could ask if the introverted females were somehow different than average females - a question that could influence how well the results would generalize to the population at large.

Nevertheless, Zelenski et al. conclude that part of what may drive Introvert Cat to decline a dinner invitation could be an error in his affective forecasting: he would have enjoyed himself more than he realized. If introverts underestimate the enjoyment and over-estimate the pain of social situations, they may mistakenly say, "no" to experiences that would increase their happiness. On the other hand, this is not to imply that all introverts should try to be extraverts! On the contrary, the authors write:

Despite our speculations about acting extraverted..., we feel compelled to explicitly state that we do not view introverts as inferior or in need of psychological change. (Many of us have pronounced introverted tendencies of our own!) Some introverts might desire the potential happiness boost that an acting extraverted exercise might provide. We believe that studying the potential of such a tool and providing accurate information about its effects may ultimately produce hedonic benefits for some, but we have no interest in forcing it on anyone" (p. 1105)."

Further Reading:

The Zelenski et al. (2013) article can be accessed through your local college library.

Find out if you are an introvert or an extravert by taking this Psychology Today quiz. If you end up scoring in the middle, you may be an ambivert - find out about yourself in this Wall Street Journal article.

Is Western culture biased against introverts? In this TED talk, writer and lawyer, Susan Cain, argues that introverts have overlooked positive qualities that should be valued.